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    Purely scopal accounts predict that indefinites should ex... — Carmelics
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    Supports→The multiple readings of 'Every man who read a book by Chomsky is happy' should not be treated as a scopal ambiguity akin to other quantifier scope ambiguities.

    Purely scopal accounts predict that indefinites should exhibit the same island sensitivity as 'every' and 'most', but this prediction is systematically falsified by cross-linguistic data.

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    Key Terms

    Cross-linguistic data(linguistics)
    Information or examples gathered from multiple different languages to compare how they work and what similarities or differences they have.
    Falsified(describing when a claim is shown to be incorrect)
    Proven to be false or wrong by finding evidence against it.
    Indefinites(in linguistics)
    Words like 'a' or 'some' that refer to things without specifying exactly which one (unlike 'the' which points to something specific).
    Island sensitivity(in linguistics)
    A grammatical rule where certain words can't be moved or interpreted across certain boundaries in a sentence—like they're trapped on an 'island' and can't escape.
    Scopal accounts(in linguistics and logic)

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    Theories that explain how the meaning of a sentence depends on the order and range of certain words—like how 'every' or 'some' affects what the sentence is really saying.

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    Philosophy of Language1 linked

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    The multiple readings of 'Every man who read a book by Chomsky is happy' should ...

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